Overnight Transportation

Traditionally, organizing has been accomplished through secret-ballot elections in which workers are offered the opportunity to select a union to represent them. But where the unions once claimed victory in a solid majority of such elections, today their chances of winning are at best even, and perhaps less than that. And the costs of such organizing drives are high – estimated by some union officials at as much as $1000 a head. The unions attribute their reduced success rate in part to the increasing sophistication of so-called union-avoidance strategies by companies where they seek to organize workers. It is also the case that unions share with the corporations themselves a relatively low standing in public esteem as indicated by various public opinion surveys, and that may be a factor as well. But whatever the cause, it is clear that the risk entailed in a union’s investing significant time and resources in a traditional organizing drive at a nonunion company is higher today than in years past.
This challenge of declining density and low public esteem, together with the trend toward globalization of the workforce and the virtual elimination of the strike as a useful weapon in the early 1980s, led labor leaders to seek an innovative strategy for organizing workers and rebuilding their movement. During the 1980s and 1990s, these leaders turned increasingly to the pressure tactics of the corporate campaign as one component of such a strategy. In a series of corporate campaigns at such companies as AT&T, Baltimore Gas & Electric, Beverly Enterprises, Blue Cross, Catholic Healthcare West, Federated Stores, IBM, K-Mart, Marriott International, Microsoft, New Otani Hotel, Nordstrom, Overnite Transportation, Perdue Farms, Sprint, Sutter Health and Wal-Mart, the unions developed a methodology of attack which they consolidated in a series of how-to manuals that covered such topics as researching the target company to identify its vulnerabilities, building coalitions with civic and religious leaders and various progressive advocacy groups who would legitimize the union’s message, and managing media coverage of the company and the campaign to advantage. One of the early and most influential advocates of this effort was John Sweeney, then president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU).
In a real sense, the 1995 contest for control of the AFL-CIO was a battle between advocates of traditional labor organizing and advocates

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